The Fascism Experts Who Call Trump Are Fascist Are A Pathetic Group

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The question of whether Donald Trump can be labeled a fascist has been debated extensively by scholars, historians, and political analysts. Fascism, as a political ideology, is typically characterized by ultranationalism, authoritarianism, suppression of dissent, a cult of personality, and the curtailment of democratic institutions, often drawing on historical examples like Benito Mussolini’s Italy or Adolf Hitler’s Germany. Below, I’ll outline the perspectives of notable experts who have explicitly called Trump a fascist, as well as those who argue against this label, to provide a balanced and nuanced answer.

Experts Who Have Called Trump a Fascist

1. Jason Stanley:
   • Background: Yale University philosophy professor and author of How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them (2018).
   • Position: Stanley has consistently argued that Trump’s rhetoric and actions align with fascist tendencies. He points to Trump’s use of nationalist narratives, demonization of minorities (e.g., immigrants as “enemies within”), and attacks on democratic norms, such as questioning election integrity, as hallmarks of fascism. In a 2024 interview with The Guardian, Stanley described Trump’s campaign as a “fascist social and political movement,” emphasizing that fascism is a process, not a binary state, and that Trump’s rhetoric about restoring national greatness while targeting specific groups mirrors historical fascist tactics.
   • Key Argument: Stanley believes the term “fascist” is necessary to highlight the threat Trump poses to democracy, even if his actions don’t perfectly replicate 20th-century fascism. He told WNYC’s On The Media in 2024, “The word is required now to keep us out of the history books as being complicit in the rise of fascism.”
2. Timothy Snyder:
   • Background: Yale University historian, author of On Tyranny (2017) and Bloodlands (2010), specializing in authoritarian regimes.
   • Position: Snyder has explicitly called Trump a fascist, particularly in recent years. In a 2024 Vanity Fair interview, he warned that Americans might adapt to the “banality” of Trump’s tyrannical tendencies. Snyder cites Trump’s attempts to undermine democratic institutions, such as his role in the January 6, 2021, Capitol attack, and his rhetoric about using the military against domestic opponents, as evidence of fascist behavior. In 2025, Snyder, along with colleagues Marci Shore and Jason Stanley, left the U.S. for Canada, citing fears of America’s descent into a “fascist dictatorship.”
   • Key Argument: Snyder sees Trump’s manipulation of language and truth—calling opponents “enemies” and dismissing media as fake—as fascist tactics that erode democratic trust. He argues that Trump’s actions fit a broader pattern of fascist leaders who prioritize personal loyalty over constitutional principles.
3. Robert Paxton:
   • Background: Columbia University professor emeritus, author of The Anatomy of Fascism (2004), widely regarded as a leading authority on fascism.
   • Position: Initially hesitant to label Trump a fascist, Paxton changed his stance after January 6, 2021. In a 2021 Newsweek article titled “I’ve Hesitated to Call Donald Trump a Fascist. Until Now,” he argued that Trump’s incitement of the Capitol attack to overturn a democratic election crossed a “red line” into fascism. Paxton reiterated this in a 2024 New York Times interview, stating, “It’s the real thing. It really is,” pointing to Trump’s mobilization of supporters to challenge democratic institutions and his rhetoric of national decline.
   • Key Argument: Paxton defines fascism as a movement marked by an obsession with national decline, a cult of unity, and the use of violence to suppress opposition. He sees Trump’s actions, particularly post-2020 election, as fitting this model, though he acknowledges differences from historical fascism, such as Trump’s lack of a coherent paramilitary force like Mussolini’s Blackshirts.
4. Federico Finchelstein:
   • Background: Historian at The New School, author of From Fascism to Populism in History (2017).
   • Position: Finchelstein initially categorized Trump as a populist but revised his view after January 6, 2021. In a 2021 Washington Post op-ed, he argued that Trump had “assumed the fascist mantle” by inciting supporters to attack the Capitol to prevent a peaceful transfer of power. In a 2024 New Republic piece, he described Trump as a “wannabe fascist,” suggesting that while Trump lacks the ideological purity of historical fascists, his actions—such as dehumanizing immigrants and promoting conspiracy theories—align with fascist practices.
   • Key Argument: Finchelstein distinguishes fascism (a dictatorship) from populism (operating within democracy) but argues that Trump’s shift toward identifying and persecuting “internal enemies” marks a fascist turn, particularly evident in his post-election behavior.
5. Ruth Ben-Ghiat:
   • Background: New York University historian, author of Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present (2020).
   • Position: Ben-Ghiat has drawn parallels between Trump and fascist leaders, though she notes the label can be reductive. In a 2024 PBS News interview, she highlighted Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally rhetoric—calling America an “occupied country” and targeting “enemies within”—as “straight from fascism.” She argues that Trump’s admiration for authoritarian leaders (e.g., praising Putin and Xi Jinping) and his use of propaganda-like tactics mirror fascist strategies, even if he also draws from communist strongmen.
   • Key Argument: Ben-Ghiat sees Trump as providing a “new stage” for fascist ideologies, particularly through his cult of personality and attacks on judicial independence. She told WDET in 2024 that Trump’s behavior, like attacking judges, is “Authoritarianism 101,” with fascist undertones, though she avoids labeling him a fascist outright in some contexts to emphasize his broader authoritarian traits.

Experts Who Argue Against Calling Trump a Fascist

While some experts apply the fascist label, others caution against it, arguing that Trump’s behavior, while authoritarian or dangerous, doesn’t fully meet the historical criteria for fascism. These scholars often emphasize differences in context, ideology, or outcomes.

1. Roger Griffin:
   • Background: Emeritus professor at Oxford Brookes University, author of The Nature of Fascism (1991).
   • Position: Griffin has consistently argued that Trump is not a fascist in the academic sense. In a 2016 Vox interview, he described Trump as an “ochlocrat” (a leader exploiting mob rule) rather than a fascist, citing his lack of a revolutionary vision to overthrow democracy entirely. In 2020, Griffin reiterated that Trump’s actions, even on January 6, lacked the ideological coherence of fascism, such as a commitment to violence as a transformative good.
   • Key Argument: Griffin sees Trump as a “wheeler-dealer” exploiting democratic weaknesses rather than a fascist ideologue. He argues that labeling Trump a fascist distracts from the unique threat he poses to liberal democracy, which is more about personal power than a systematic fascist program.
2. Richard J. Evans:
   • Background: Cambridge University historian, author of The Third Reich Trilogy.
   • Position: Evans has rejected comparisons between Trump and fascism. In a 2018 review of books by Madeleine Albright and Snyder, he criticized their “vague and confused” definitions of fascism. In a 2020 New Statesman piece, he argued that Trump’s lack of expansionist militarism—a core fascist trait—disqualifies him, and that American democracy’s resilience (e.g., surviving January 6) undermines the comparison.
   • Key Argument: Evans believes Trump’s behavior is better understood as authoritarian populism or nativism. He warns that calling Trump a fascist risks diluting the term’s historical weight, making it less useful for analyzing modern threats.
3. Isabel Hull:
   • Background: Cornell University history professor, expert on German history.
   • Position: In a 2015 Vice interview, Hull stated that Trump was “not principled enough to be a fascist,” describing him instead as a “nativist-populist.” She argued that fascism requires a disciplined ideological commitment, whereas Trump’s actions seemed driven by opportunism and personal gain.
   • Key Argument: Hull sees Trump’s rhetoric as inflammatory but lacking the structural intent of fascism, such as creating a one-party state or mobilizing a paramilitary force under direct control.
4. David Kertzer:
   • Background: Brown University historian, author of The Pope and Mussolini (2014).
   • Position: Kertzer has expressed discomfort with labeling Trump a fascist, as noted in a 2024 AP News article. While acknowledging similarities like Trump’s cult of personality and nationalist rhetoric, he argues that fascism historically involved dismantling democratic institutions entirely, which Trump has not achieved. He described Harris’s use of the term as carrying too much “historical resonance.”
   • Key Argument: Kertzer believes Trump’s actions are concerning but don’t equate to fascism’s totalizing control. He sees Trump’s influence as part of a broader global rise in far-right politics, not a direct replica of Mussolini’s regime.
5. Samuel Moyn:
   • Background: Yale University historian and legal scholar.
   • Position: Moyn, cited in a 2024 Times of India article, argues that calling Trump a fascist obscures the need for a new framework to understand modern authoritarianism, like MAGA politics. He notes that Trump hasn’t nationalized industries, banned the press, or started foreign wars—key fascist actions.
   • Key Argument: Moyn contends that the fascist label risks misdirecting focus from Trump’s specific blend of populism and individualism, which differs from the collectivist state control of historical fascism.

Synthesis and Context

The debate over whether Trump is a fascist hinges on definitions and historical analogies. Experts like Stanley, Snyder, Paxton, Finchelstein, and Ben-Ghiat argue that Trump exhibits fascist traits—nationalist rhetoric, dehumanization of opponents, undermining democratic norms, and inciting violence (notably January 6)—that justify the label, even if his context differs from 1920s Europe. They emphasize the urgency of the term as a “distress signal” for democracy’s vulnerability, as Paxton and Stanley have noted.

Conversely, scholars like Griffin, Evans, Hull, Kertzer, and Moyn argue that fascism involves specific historical features—state-controlled economies, paramilitary dominance, or aggressive imperialism—that Trump lacks. They often classify him as an authoritarian populist or nativist, warning that overuse of “fascist” dilutes its analytical power or misrepresents the American political landscape, where democratic institutions have held (albeit under strain).

Key Observations

• Points of Agreement: Even skeptics acknowledge Trump’s authoritarian tendencies, such as his attacks on the press (“enemy of the people”), admiration for strongmen (e.g., Putin, Xi), and efforts to delegitimize elections. These overlap with fascist tactics, though not always with fascist outcomes.
• Points of Divergence: Critics of the fascist label stress Trump’s lack of a coherent ideology, direct control over paramilitary groups (unlike Mussolini’s Blackshirts), or a revolutionary program to abolish democracy outright. Supporters of the label focus on intent and rhetoric, arguing that Trump’s constraints (e.g., U.S. checks and balances) don’t negate his fascist impulses.
• January 6 as a Turning Point: The Capitol attack shifted opinions for some, like Paxton and Finchelstein, who saw it as a fascist-like attempt to subvert democracy, comparable to Mussolini’s 1922 March on Rome or Hitler’s 1923 Beer Hall Putsch.
• American Context: Unlike interwar Europe, where fascism arose amid economic collapse and weak democracies, the U.S. has stronger institutions, which some argue limits Trump’s ability to enact full fascism. Others counter that these institutions are eroding under populist pressure.

Conclusion

Yes, several prominent experts in fascism—Jason Stanley, Timothy Snyder, Robert Paxton, Federico Finchelstein, and, to a nuanced extent, Ruth Ben-Ghiat—have called Trump a fascist or described his movement as fascist-leaning, citing his rhetoric, actions, and threats to democracy. However, other respected scholars—Roger Griffin, Richard J. Evans, Isabel Hull, David Kertzer, and Samuel Moyn—disagree, arguing that Trump’s behavior, while troubling, better fits authoritarian populism or nativism due to differences in ideology, scale, and historical context.

The disagreement reflects fascism’s complexity as a term and the challenge of applying it to a 21st-century democracy. Whether one agrees with the fascist label often depends on whether you prioritize Trump’s intentions and rhetoric (as Stanley and Snyder do) or measurable outcomes and historical fidelity (as Griffin and Evans do). Ultimately, the debate underscores a shared concern: Trump’s actions raise serious questions about democratic stability, regardless of the precise terminology.