Tuesday, April 14, 2026

MONTY PYTHON'S CARL SCHMITT (A FOUND FRAGMENT)

 A lecture hall. A PROFESSOR stands at a podium. Behind him, a blackboard reads: "SCHMITT: FRIEND OR ENEMY? (A METHODOLOGICAL INQUIRY INTO WHETHER WE MAY PROCEED)" He adjusts his notes for forty-five seconds in silence.

PROFESSOR: I should like to begin, if I may, and I think you'll agree that I may, by saying, in the clearest possible terms, that I do not endorse what I am about to say.

STUDENT: What are you about to say?

PROFESSOR: I haven't decided yet. But whatever it is, I wish to distance myself from it preemptively.

He writes "DISAVOWAL" on the blackboard, underlines it three times.

PROFESSOR: Now. Carl Schmitt. (long pause) Brilliant. (shorter pause) Appalling. (pause) Brilliant. I think we can all agree on the sequence.

STUDENT: Can we use him or not?

PROFESSOR: (visibly relieved someone asked) Excellent question. The answer is yes, provided one has first said no. You say no in the footnote. A short no. Firm but not aggressive. Then you proceed as if the no had resolved everything.

STUDENT: But does the no actually resolve anything?

PROFESSOR: It resolves your position within this institution. Which is, I would argue, the more pressing concern.

A second PROFESSOR enters, slightly out of breath.

SECOND PROFESSOR: I've just written a paper using Schmitt.

PROFESSOR: Did you disavow?

SECOND PROFESSOR: Extensively.

PROFESSOR: How many words?

SECOND PROFESSOR: A hundred and twelve.

PROFESSOR: (impressed) Per footnote?

SECOND PROFESSOR: Total.

PROFESSOR: (sucking through teeth) Cutting it fine. What was the paper on?

SECOND PROFESSOR: The exception as a structural feature of constitutional order and its implications for contemporary democratic theory.

PROFESSOR: And you managed that with a hundred and twelve words of disavowal?

SECOND PROFESSOR: I said "deeply problematic" twice.

PROFESSOR: (relaxing) That's the equivalent of roughly forty words each. You're probably fine.

A STUDENT in the front row raises her hand.

STUDENT: If Schmitt's theory of the exception describes how a community defines itself against an enemy, and we define ourselves against Schmitt, doesn't that mean Schmitt's theory is correct and we are merely demonstrating it?

Long silence.

PROFESSOR: (carefully) That observation, while interesting, is itself somewhat problematic.

STUDENT: Are you disavowing my question?

PROFESSOR: I am contextualizing it within a framework that preserves our ability to continue.

STUDENT: Continue what?

PROFESSOR: The seminar. (beat) The department. (longer beat) The postwar liberal consensus.

A THIRD PROFESSOR bursts in carrying a large stack of papers.

THIRD PROFESSOR: Chantal Mouffe is here!

PROFESSOR: (standing straighter) Has she disavowed?

THIRD PROFESSOR: She's thinking with him against him.

PROFESSOR: That's the advanced technique. You need at least fifteen years in the field before attempting that.

THIRD PROFESSOR: She says the enemy becomes an adversary.

PROFESSOR: (nodding slowly) So she's kept the structure but changed the wallpaper.

THIRD PROFESSOR: That's roughly what Giorgio Agamben did too, except he made Schmitt the villain of his own theory.

PROFESSOR: Elegant. That way you get to use the knife while blaming the knife for cutting.

The STUDENT raises her hand again.

STUDENT: None of this seems to be about Schmitt anymore. It seems to be about whether we're allowed to talk about Schmitt.

PROFESSOR: Correct. That is political theory.

STUDENT: What about the actual argument? About sovereignty? About the exception?

PROFESSOR: (pause) That comes in week nine.

STUDENT: What happens in weeks one through eight?

PROFESSOR: Disavowal technique. (He turns back to the board) Now. Who can tell me the difference between a firm disavowal and a performative one?

Nobody raises their hand.

PROFESSOR: (writing on the board) A firm disavowal says: I reject this. A performative disavowal says: I reject this, and by saying so I am the kind of person who rejects this, which is the kind of person who can now safely use this. The second is considerably more useful.

SECOND PROFESSOR: What if someone doesn't disavow at all?

The room goes very quiet.

PROFESSOR: (in a low voice) Then we do not speak of them.

SECOND PROFESSOR: Not at all?

PROFESSOR: We cite them in order to note that they have not disavowed. That is the correct procedure.

STUDENT: So you cite them to exclude them.

PROFESSOR: We cite them to mark the boundary of the acceptable, yes.

STUDENT: Isn't that exactly what Schmitt said sovereignty does?

The PROFESSOR looks at her for a long moment.

PROFESSOR: (very quietly) I'm going to need you to write a disavowal of that question before next Tuesday.

BLACKOUT.

Mickey Kaus - The Partial Insider

Mickey Kaus: A Portrait of the Partial Insider

Jurisdictional Wars  ·  Intellectual Portraits

Mickey Kaus

A Portrait of the Partial Insider

Mickey Kaus was born into the system. His father, Otto Kaus, sat on the California Supreme Court. He grew up in Beverly Hills, attended Harvard twice, and entered journalism through the Washington Monthly, the neoliberal incubator that launched Michael Kinsley and shaped the center-left policy conversation of the 1980s. His career began at the center of things. The question is why it did not end there.

Born July 6, 1951, in Santa Monica, Robert Michael Kaus had every structural advantage the American meritocracy offers. A father on the state's highest bench, a civic-minded mother, a brother who became a California Superior Court judge. Grandmother Gina Kaus was a novelist. The family was steeped in public life. When Kaus arrived at Harvard for his undergraduate degree and stayed for law school, he was not climbing; he was moving laterally through the corridors he was raised to occupy. He never practiced law. He had a different destination in mind.

I. The Big Idea

Kaus joined the Washington Monthly, then wrote for Newsweek, Harper's, and spent nearly a decade as a senior editor at The New Republic. These were not marginal perches. They were central nodes in the liberal policy conversation during the Clinton years, when the Democratic Party was remaking itself around markets, responsibility, and the language of civic obligation. Kaus fit naturally into that project. He was an ideas journalist from the start, operating where policy, culture, and moral language intersect.

His signature contribution came in 1992 with The End of Equality. The argument was simple and unfashionable. Liberals spent too much energy chasing income equality, which markets resist and governments struggle to produce. The more achievable and more important goal was social equality: shared norms, work participation, civic cohesion, and institutions that mixed Americans across class lines. The book fed directly into the Clinton-era welfare reform debates, and Kaus was not on the margins of that fight. He was inside it, helping provide intellectual justification for what became the 1996 welfare overhaul. At that point his trajectory looked like the standard model. Credentials, network, a signature idea that landed at exactly the right political moment. That combination usually locks in a long institutional career.

II. The Divergence
"He took a stated value and ran it through a material analysis that produced uncomfortable conclusions for his own side."

In 1999 Kaus launched Kausfiles, one of the first major political blogs. This mattered more than it looked at the time. Blogging was not simply a new medium. It was a way to bypass editorial filtering and build a direct relationship with readers before gatekeepers understood what was happening. Kaus negotiated unusual freedom while hosted at Slate and, when that arrangement ended, already knew how to operate without institutional backing. Most pundits depend on institutions for distribution. Kaus built a parallel channel before he needed it. That early-mover advantage later proved decisive.

The second inflection point was immigration. Kaus took the same framework he had applied to welfare and ran it through labor markets. If you believe in social equality and wage dignity for low-income workers, then large-scale low-skill immigration pushes in the opposite direction. It increases the labor supply at the bottom. It weakens bargaining power. It benefits employers and upper-middle-class consumers while imposing costs on the most vulnerable workers, including many Black Americans. This is not an exotic argument. It is Econ 101 combined with a particular moral priority. What made it radioactive was not the logic. It was the coalition it threatened.

The modern Democratic coalition includes professional-class voters, ethnic advocacy groups and NGOs, and corporate sectors that benefit from labor inflows. Working-class voters are nominally central but institutionally weak. Kaus kept pointing at that mismatch. Not abstractly but repeatedly, concretely, and with increasing irritation at what he read as bad faith. Coalition logic treats internal peace as sacred. Arguments that expose trade-offs the coalition depends on obscuring are intolerable, whatever their empirical merit. Kaus crossed that line. The result was predictable: fewer mainstream platforms, short stints that ended in conflict, and eventual exile from prestige liberal outlets. He quit the Daily Caller in 2015 after editorial battles over his immigration writing and moved to independent publishing, where he has remained.

III. The Brooks Contrast

The divergence between Kaus and a figure like David Brooks clarifies what the system actually rewards. Both began inside elite institutions. Both built reputations as interpreters of American social life. The difference is functional. Brooks translates social complexity into moral narratives that are legible and affirming to his audience. Even when he criticizes, he stabilizes rather than destabilizes the coalition he speaks to. Kaus does the opposite. He takes a stated value, equality, and runs it through a material analysis that produces uncomfortable conclusions for his own side. That is not a difference in intelligence. It is a difference in coalition function.

The system rewards the latter more than the former. Brooks accumulates honors, fellowships, and institutional trust. Kaus accumulates a smaller, combative audience and a reputation in establishment circles as a crank or obsessive. One manages the coalition. The other stresses it. Elite media does not primarily select for the most empirically consistent thinker. It selects for the most effective coalition manager.

IV. Why He Survived

Most contrarians who break with the center-left disappear. Kaus did not, and the reasons are structural rather than personal.

He owns an issue. Immigration is not a passing controversy. It is a structural feature of modern economies, returning to the center of political life at regular intervals. When it spikes, his relevance spikes with it. People know where he stands and what he will say. That looks like monomania to critics, but it functions like branding. A consistent, specific, durable argument on a durable issue is more valuable over a long career than range without a center.

He built independence early. The blogging era allowed him to retain a voice after losing institutional platforms. He did not need permission to keep publishing, because he had already built the channel.

He was never a true outsider. His Harvard background and early career at top magazines give him a baseline credibility that pure fringe figures lack. He is not dismissed as ignorant. He is dismissed as wrong, fixated, or ideologically compromised. That is a different category and a more durable one. In alliance theory, a defector carries more weight than an external enemy, because a defector understands the internal logic of the group he attacks. Kaus's critics know he knows what he is talking about. That forces engagement, however grudging.

V. The Cost

The failure mode is real and worth naming. Kaus's focus narrows over time. Immigration becomes less one issue among many and more the lens through which everything passes. That creates the impression of monomania, which his critics emphasize and his supporters tolerate. It also limits his ability to build a broader positive program. He is strongest as a critic exposing contradictions, weaker as a synthesizer offering a comprehensive alternative.

His tone contributes to the narrowing. The blog format rewards provocation and quick hits. Over decades, that style hardens. It energizes a niche audience but alienates the broader one needed for institutional reintegration. He ran a protest campaign in the 2010 California Democratic Senate primary, explicitly to put immigration and welfare on the record, and received a small but nonzero vote share. That episode captures his career in miniature: serious enough to run, independent enough not to care about winning, too heterodox to build a movement.

He voted for Obama twice, then Trump twice, describing himself as a populist Democrat who gave up on the party. That trajectory is not incoherence. It is a consistent application of his original argument across a changing landscape. The party moved. He did not.

VI. What He Reveals

Kaus is what a partially rejected insider looks like in a system that cannot fully absorb or fully discard him. He had every opportunity to become a standard establishment pundit. He had the credentials, the network, and a signature idea that landed at the right moment. Instead he became something rarer: a standing reminder that certain lines of argument, even when grounded in basic economics and long-standing liberal concerns, will push you to the edge if you refuse to soften them.

At 74 he still publishes independently, still arguing the same case. The system did not reward that stubbornness. But it could not erase it either, because the tensions he identified did not go away. That is the harder lesson. Elite institutions do not select against wrong ideas. They select against ideas that expose what the coalition needs to leave implicit. Kaus kept making those ideas explicit. The result was predictable, and so is his persistence. Every time the gap between rhetoric and material outcomes becomes too wide to ignore, the argument he has been making since 1992 becomes newly relevant, and he is still there to make it.

lukeford.net  ·  Jurisdictional Wars

All Out of Love: Air Supply and the Brief American Season of Sincerity

All Out of Love: Air Supply and the Brief American Season of Sincerity

Essays in Popular Culture  ·  Music  ·  American Feeling

All Out of Love:
Air Supply and the Brief American Season of Sincerity

Two ordinary men from Australia walked into a theater in Sydney in 1975 and emerged, five years later, as the unlikely soundtrack to a moment when America still believed tenderness was strength.

They met on May 12, 1975, in the orchestra pit of a Sydney theater during rehearsals for Jesus Christ Superstar. Graham Russell, English-born, slight, a man who heard melodies in everything, and Russell Hitchcock, Melbourne-raised, a former salesman with a tenor that could split you open. They bonded over The Beatles, shared birthdays a week apart, and discovered they could write love songs that sounded as if the singers actually meant them. Nobody suspected what was coming. Neither did they.

Their story looks simple on the surface. Two men meet, write songs, catch a break, ride a wave. But that version misses what Air Supply actually were: a brief, strange alignment between two particular human voices and a cultural mood that lasted less than a decade and has never quite returned. To understand Air Supply is to understand something about America at the turn of the 1980s, something about the specific emotional temperature of that moment, and something about why sincerity, when it vanishes, leaves a wound that nostalgia cannot close.

7 Consecutive US
Top-5 Singles
1980–1983
100M+ Records Sold
Worldwide
5,000+ Concerts
Performed
50 Years
Together

The Theater and the Origin

That they came out of Jesus Christ Superstar matters more than it might seem. A garage band grinds out identity through improvisation, through failure and noise and trial. Air Supply came from a theatrical environment where precision, timing, and emotional projection were not ambitions but job requirements. From the start, their instincts leaned toward clarity over grit, feeling over edge. They were not rebels. They were craftsmen of the heart.

Russell had already knocked around in the UK band Union Blues before emigrating to Australia in 1968. Hitchcock had worked as a salesman, played drums in local groups, and harbored a voice that nobody had yet pointed in the right direction. The two chorus members who understudied minor roles shared more than names. They shared a belief, unfashionable in the pub-rock world around them, that a love song could be a complete emotional argument and did not need to apologize for itself.

Their debut single "Love and Other Bruises" went to number six in Australia in 1976. They toured with Rod Stewart. They recorded concept albums that went nowhere in particular. They struggled. Graham Russell slept on sofas and played pizza parlors. They continued anyway, which is itself a form of faith. In 1979, a remixed version of "Lost in Love" began gaining traction. Clive Davis of Arista Records heard it and understood immediately what he was dealing with.

I realize the best part of love is the thinnest slice,
and it don't count for much, but I'm not letting go,
I believe there's still much to believe in.

— "Lost in Love," Graham Russell, 1980

The Division of Labor Nobody Credits

What Air Supply built was not just a band but a particular specialization of gifts. Russell became the architect. He wrote melodies that were clean, direct, and structurally tight. He favored big choruses, key changes, and lyrics that said exactly what they meant without ornamentation or irony. He had what few pop writers possess: the ability to make a musical statement feel inevitable after you hear it, as if the song had always existed and he merely found it.

Hitchcock became the delivery system. His tenor carried an almost fragile intensity, a quality of emotional exposure that made even polished studio productions feel personal and unguarded. Many artists write love songs. Fewer make them sound like confessions. Hitchcock belonged to the rare company of singers — Karen Carpenter is the clearest parallel — who achieve technical precision without sacrificing the sense that something real is at stake in every phrase. He holds notes with a clarity, a kind of laser focus, that creates the impression of stilled emotion: a held breath before the truth arrives.

In the context of 1980s rock, Hitchcock's tenor was an anomaly. While his contemporaries used high registers to signal primal power or sexual aggression, he used his range to signal vulnerability. He was the safe male voice in an era of peacocking.

The emotional exposure of two Australian men on American radio in 1980 was genuinely unusual. Their home country's music scene ran on pub-rock aggression — Cold Chisel, Midnight Oil, INXS. Australia regarded them with the mild contempt of a culture that prizes toughness and finds tenderness suspicious. America rewarded them instead, which tells you something about what America needed at that particular moment and was not getting anywhere else.

Morning in America: The Cultural Alignment

The timing was not accidental. The late 1970s in America had been a decade of bad faith: Watergate, Vietnam, stagflation, the hostage crisis, the general sensation that institutions had lied and the center could not hold. By 1979 and 1980 a counter-pressure had been building, a longing for relief, for the permission to believe again without feeling naive. Ronald Reagan's election in November 1980 expressed that longing politically. Air Supply expressed it emotionally. Both said, in their different registers: it is acceptable to hope. It is permissible to feel.

The early 1980s FM radio environment still allowed overlap between pop, adult contemporary, and softer rock formats in a way that the fragmented digital landscape would later make impossible. A song could reach everybody simultaneously. When "Lost in Love" hit number three in early 1980, it hit a monoculture that no longer exists. Thirteen-year-olds and their parents heard it in the same week, on the same stations, in the same cars. That shared experience is part of what gave the music its strange power. It became the soundtrack of a generational moment because the broadcasting structure allowed for generational moments.

The 1984 Los Angeles Olympics captured the aesthetic of this era at its apex. The pastel palette, the open-handed optimism, the sense that effort and sincerity could redeem the darker decade just past — these qualities animated both the Games and Air Supply's music. John Williams' Olympic fanfare carried the same cinematic sweep as "Making Love Out of Nothing at All." They inhabited the same emotional world: broad, unironic, genuinely moved by its own sentiment. By the time that summer ended, the light had already begun to change.

The Seven-Single Run

Between 1980 and 1983, Air Supply placed seven consecutive singles in the American top five. The statistical company this kept them in — The Beatles — sounds improbable until you understand the specific nature of what they were doing. They were not trying to be cool. They were not signaling sophistication or subcultural membership. They were optimizing for emotional delivery with a consistency that more ambitious music rarely achieves, because more ambitious music is trying to do several things at once.

1980

"Lost in Love" (#3) and "All Out of Love" (#2) announce a new mode of romantic sincerity on American radio. The debut album sells three million copies in the US.

1981

"Every Woman in the World" (#5) and "The One That You Love" (#1) — their only chart-topper — cement the formula: ascending melody, unguarded lyric, Hitchcock's held notes at the crest of each chorus.

1982

"Here I Am" (#5), "Sweet Dreams" (#5), and "Even the Nights Are Better" (#5) extend the run. The music becomes furniture in the emotional lives of a generation.

1983

"Making Love Out of Nothing at All" (#2), written by Jim Steinman, becomes the high-water mark: eight minutes of operatic romantic tragedy that reveals what the voice can do when given a song large enough to contain it.

"Making Love Out of Nothing at All" deserves special attention because of what it reveals about the band and its limits. Jim Steinman, who also wrote for Meat Loaf and Bonnie Tyler, brought a theatrical scale — a sense of operatic doom — that Russell and Hitchcock's own songwriting rarely reached. The song is the best thing in their catalog, and the most honest assessment of it is that its specific qualities — the grandeur, the accumulative emotional intensity — came primarily from Steinman's compositional genius rather than from anything Air Supply themselves generated. Hitchcock's voice was the instrument. Steinman wrote the concerto. That the performance is magnificent does not change the analysis; it deepens it.

I can make every tackle at the sound of the word,
I can make all your demons be heard,
I can make every star in the sky
light up and wonder why...
But I'm never gonna make you love me.

— "Making Love Out of Nothing at All," Jim Steinman, 1983

Why Critics Dismissed Them, and What That Dismissal Revealed

Rock criticism had, by 1980, hardened around a particular value system: authenticity meant rawness, genuine feeling meant edge, artistic seriousness meant complexity or ambiguity or political content. Air Supply offered none of these. They were polished, direct, and emotionally unambiguous. To critics trained in the language of Greil Marcus and Lester Bangs, this made them easy to dismiss. The dismissal was not dishonest. It accurately identified real properties of the music. What it missed was whether those properties constituted failures.

The convenient belief Air Supply's critics and their most defensive fans share is that this is a debate about musical quality. It is more precisely a debate about what music is for. If music is for the demonstration of complexity, of artistic development, of edge and rebellion and ambiguity, then Air Supply fails. If music is for the reliable delivery of emotional clarity — the sense, for three and a half minutes, that someone else feels exactly what you feel and is not ashamed — then they succeed at a level their critics never acknowledge.

Their Asian markets understood this. The Philippines, Indonesia, Southeast Asia broadly — regions where melodic directness, harmonic sophistication, and romantic seriousness are valued rather than regarded with condescension — embraced Air Supply across four decades with an intensity that has nothing to do with nostalgia for 1982 American pop radio. The music fit those markets' aesthetic priorities. The Western critical establishment's bafflement at this fact reveals only the parochialism of its own value system, dressed up as universal judgment.

The Porous Self and the Permission Structure

Air Supply's emotional core can be described in Charles Taylor's terms as a defense of the porous self against the buffered self. The buffered self of modernity — autonomous, rational, sealed against influence — was the aspiration of the Reagan-era professional class, the ideal that MBA programs and self-help culture were selling simultaneously. Air Supply sang from a different anthropology. Their narrators are constitutionally open to being changed by love, hurt by absence, undone by memory. They do not manage their feelings; they are inhabited by them.

"Here I am, playing with those memories again" is a line about porosity. The past has not been processed and filed. It keeps returning, keeps remaking the present. "I'm lying alone with my head on the phone, thinking of you till it hurts" is a line about what happens when the boundary between self and other has become permeable. These are not songs about weak men. They are songs about men who have accepted the specific vulnerability of loving something they cannot control. In an era that equated strength with emotional armor, that acceptance was itself a form of courage.

This is why the band gave certain listeners — particularly young men in environments where tenderness was forbidden or mocked — something that functioned as permission. If Russell Hitchcock could sing "I'm all out of love, I'm so lost without you" with such plainness, with no irony to protect himself, then perhaps the feeling itself was not shameful. The music smuggled grace into houses of law. It told people that longing was not weakness but evidence of being alive.

The American Hearts Problem

"American Hearts," from the 1980 album Life Support, is the most underrated song in their catalog and perhaps the most revealing about what Russell was actually capable of when he widened his lens. The song traces a couple from the counterculture idealism of 1969 through the grinding realities of mortgages, late nights, sleeping pills, and eventual divorce. It is a generational elegy in three and a half minutes, and Graham Russell, writing as an Australian observer of American life, saw something that most American songwriters of the moment could not:

They were married in September back in 1969,
they traveled, these two Indians, to find some peace of mind.
They stood for love and freedom, they were children of their time...
Who are these strangers who used to be lovers?
Now they've got nothing to say to each other.

— "American Hearts," Graham Russell, 1980

After "Lost in Love" broke, he never quite wrote like this again. Fame demanded universality, and universality demanded vagueness. The specific couple from 1969, the sleeping pills, the filed divorce papers — these details disappeared from his lyrics. What replaced them was more polished and less true. The commercial machinery that amplified their strengths also narrowed them. That narrowing is the characteristic tragedy of pop success.

The Pivot and the Endurance

By the mid-1980s the moment was over. Radio formats fragmented. Synth-driven production replaced analog warmth. MTV rewarded visual spectacle and ironic self-awareness. Michael Jackson, Madonna, Prince, and the hair-metal bands occupied the territory that Air Supply's sound had claimed. The failure was not personal. The culture had moved, and their particular gift — unironic emotional sincerity with clean melodic architecture — had become, almost overnight, the definition of uncool.

What happened next is the genuinely remarkable part of the story. Most acts in their position become nostalgia products, playing state fairs and casino lounges to aging fans who want to hear the hits again. Air Supply did something structurally different. They turned themselves into a global touring institution, playing a hundred to a hundred and thirty dates a year, building audiences in Asia, Latin America, Australia, and secondary American markets that had never abandoned them. They were the first Western act to tour China. They performed for 175,000 people in Cuba in 2005. They played their five-thousandth concert in Las Vegas in 2019.

This is what durability looks like when it is not built on trend-chasing. They never reinvented themselves. They never attempted a grunge record, a dance-pop collaboration, or an ironic comeback. They kept doing the same fundamental thing — pairing Russell's melodically direct songwriting with Hitchcock's exposed, soaring delivery — and trusted that the audiences who needed what they offered would find them. In 2025, they performed a fiftieth-anniversary concert at Carnegie Hall. In 2026, they released their eighteenth studio album.

The Meaning of the Run

David Pinsof's Alliance Theory offers a useful frame here, though it requires careful handling. Air Supply did not build a tribe around identity, ideology, or subculture. They positioned themselves as emotionally neutral territory. Their music offered reassurance, vulnerability, and longing without threat. This allowed them to recruit listeners across gender, age, and class lines without loyalty tests or ideological requirements. But the Alliance Theory frame, applied too mechanically, turns their achievement into mere social technology — a system for maximizing coalition size. That misses something.

The better question is not how they built their audience but why the specific emotional mode they occupied was available to be occupied at all. The answer is historical. The years 1979 to 1983 constituted a brief window when American culture had not yet fully rationalized tenderness out of public life, when a man could sing "I can wait forever" on Top 40 radio without the apparatus of irony being deployed to protect everyone from the feeling. That window closed. What closed it was not any single cause but a general cultural hardening — the spread of irony as the default emotional register of sophistication, the shift from analog warmth to digital precision, the emergence of MTV's image economy, the growing equation of emotional exposure with naivety.

The deaths of despair research — Anne Case and Angus Deaton's discovery that working-class white Americans without college degrees were dying at rising rates from suicide, opioids, and alcohol — illuminates, retrospectively, what the Air Supply era was the emotional last chapter of. That music reached ordinary Americans, people of middling economic security and no particular cultural prestige, at a moment when those Americans still felt that their emotional lives were legible, that their longings were shared, that a song on the radio could speak for them. The subsequent decades of fragmentation, economic precarity, and cultural contempt from the credentialed class did not merely impoverish those people economically. It also evacuated the shared emotional spaces where Air Supply once lived.

In 1980, the broken guy had a radio hit that offered communal catharsis. By 2018, the broken guy was alone in a cockpit, apologizing to an air traffic controller. Air Supply was the music of the world between those two moments.

What the Tears Are Actually About

The most convenient belief among Air Supply devotees — and it is worth naming it precisely — is that their emotional response to the music demonstrates something about the music's intrinsic quality rather than about what was happening in their own lives when the music first entered their nervous systems. This is not cynicism; it is neurology. Adolescent memory traces are durable in a way that adult memories are not. Music encountered between twelve and seventeen colonizes the specific neural architecture of emotional formation in ways that later music cannot replicate.

This does not make the feeling less real. It makes it differently real. When the music produces tears, what it activates is not primarily Air Supply's artistry. It is the emotional world of adolescence — the specific intensity of first longing, first heartbreak, first awareness that love was both possible and painful. The music is the trigger. The destination is the self at thirteen, lying in the dark with a radio under a pillow, learning for the first time that someone else felt exactly this.

Understanding this does not diminish the experience. It clarifies it. The appropriate response to a song that reliably returns you to the most emotionally unguarded period of your life is not shame at the nostalgia but gratitude for the continuity. Something in you remains permeable. Something refused to calcify. The music keeps finding that place because you kept it open.

The Lasting Argument

Air Supply's achievement, in the long measure, is not that they had hits. Plenty of acts have had hits. Their achievement is that they turned a very specific emotional mode — unironic romantic sincerity delivered through melodic clarity and vocal exposure — into a durable global practice that has outlasted almost every act that was considered more important, more artistically serious, more culturally significant in 1981.

The qualities that cost them critical prestige are the same ones that sustained their audience across five decades. They were never a band for critics mapping musical innovation. They were a band for listeners trying to feel something clearly and immediately, without the tax of sophistication. In a culture that cycles through trends and deploys irony as its primary emotional defense, that kind of consistency builds something that resembles trust.

Graham Russell and Russell Hitchcock met in a theater in Sydney and discovered that two ordinary men could, between them, produce something that felt like grace. The world was briefly ready for that. Then the world moved on, as it always does. They kept making the music anyway, in arenas and clubs across five continents, for fifty years, for audiences who needed what they offered and could not find it anywhere else. Whether that constitutes artistic greatness in the sense critics mean is a question worth setting aside. Whether it constitutes something true and useful and rare — that question has already been answered by the evidence.

· · ·

Graham Russell and Russell Hitchcock met on May 12, 1975. They continue to tour together in 2026.

All Out of Love  ·  An Essay on Air Supply and American Sincerity  ·  lukeford.net

Monday, April 13, 2026

Heather Mac Donald - Theorist Of Elite Self-Sabotage

Heather Mac Donald — Intellectual Biography
Intellectual Biography

Heather Mac Donald

Defector from Theory, Guardian of Standards, Theorist of Elite Self-Sabotage

Born 1956, Los Angeles Yale · Cambridge · Stanford Law Manhattan Institute

"I wasted a huge portion of my time at Yale on something that was a fiction, a self-indulgent pastime of a few professors who had lost interest in conveying the beauties of literature."

— Heather Mac Donald, in conversation with Luke Ford, 2003
I

The Conversion Narrative

Heather Mac Donald's career has the structure of a right-wing intellectual conversion story, and that structure is not incidental. It is the foundation of her entire project. She grew up in Bel Air, spent childhood afternoons in the Santa Monica Mountains among chaparral and wild mustard, and arrived at Yale in the late 1970s already steeped in the Western canon. For a time deconstruction seized her. Paul de Man and Geoffrey Hartman were close readers, rigorous with texts, and for a young woman in love with language the enterprise seemed daring. Within a semester of returning to Yale's PhD program in 1980, she saw it for what it was: a rote machine that arrived at the same conclusion for every text it examined, that meaning fails and the human subject dissolves into language. She walked out and never walked back in.

That revulsion is the emotional engine of everything she has written since. When she attacks diversity bureaucracies, welfare romanticism, or the delegitimation of police, she is extending an argument she first encountered in seminar rooms. The core claim is always the same: reality has been subordinated to narrative, and that substitution produces institutional decay. She did not arrive at this argument from economics or sociology. She arrived at it from literary theory, from the inside, and the intensity of her writing carries that origin.

II

The Sensory and Aesthetic Foundation

"When I was first walking around my neighborhood, I was in sensory ecstasy at the vines, bushes, trees that were profligate and luxuriant."

To read Mac Donald only as a policy writer is to miss something essential. Her worldview has a sensory foundation. She grew up against the Santa Monica Mountains, with deer on the porch at night and raccoons in the garden, and she describes the light of Southern California the way a painter might: brilliant, white, bouncing off the ocean and the open hills, filling what she calls a big bowl of light. When she returned to Los Angeles after fourteen years in New York she walked her Hollywood neighborhood in sensory ecstasy, naming the plants as she went — star jasmine, bougainvillea, honeysuckle, Italian cypress, agapanthus, lantana. She catalogs specific, named things with evident pleasure. She finds New York's aging brick and rusting infrastructure spirit-killing. She finds the East Coast's humidity monolithic, its light never producing clarity or sharpness of outline.

This aesthetic sensibility is not decorative. It runs straight through her politics. Order, for Mac Donald, is not purely instrumental. Disorder offends not only because it produces harm but because it represents a collapse of form, discipline, and structure. The defense of policing, the critique of the academy, the attachment to the Western canon all stem from a shared commitment to structured excellence. She is, in this respect, a cultural classicist writing about modern institutions. When she walked Nickerson Gardens in Watts and described the darling white cottages and charming black trim masking a gang-infested reality, she was reaching for her characteristic metaphor: the aesthetically pleasing facade that conceals deep, unaddressed rot.

III

The Literary Method Repurposed

One good thing, she said, came from deconstruction: the skill of close reading, which she called a curse. She learned to take texts seriously and attend to every word. She now applies that curse to police reports, DEI mission statements, and government data the way a classicist might apply it to Milton, looking for the moment the logic breaks down. A City Journal essay on a welfare program or a university admissions policy is structured like a textual explication. She finds the internal contradiction, traces the premise to its origin, and shows how the stated goal produces the opposite result. The method is literary even when the subject is not.

This gives her work a distinctive texture among conservative policy writers. Thomas Sowell operates as a technical economist; Charles Murray as a social scientist constructing models; James Q. Wilson as a theorist of bureaucratic order. Mac Donald's comparative advantage is turning policy disputes into moral and intellectual struggles over reality. She is less interested in the mechanics of a program than in the worldview that produced it, and less interested in the worldview than in what it reveals about the people who hold it. Her subject, finally, is elite culture: what it has decided to see, what it has decided to ignore, and what it rewards.

IV

Three Domains, One Argument

Her work develops three interlocking areas of critique that share a single underlying structure. In policing, her argument in *Are Cops Racist?* and *The War on Cops* is that claims of systemic police bias are empirically unsupported and that the delegitimation of policing harms most the communities it claims to champion. In higher education, her argument in *The Diversity Delusion* and *When Race Trumps Merit* is that universities have replaced the pursuit of truth and excellence with a bureaucratized system organized around identity, grievance, and administrative enforcement. In immigration and welfare, her argument is that permissive policies sustain patterns of dependency that undermine social cohesion. The specific domains differ but the structure is constant: an elite institution has abandoned its founding criteria of excellence, replaced them with a therapeutic or politically driven alternative, and produced harm it refuses to name.

Her first book, *The Burden of Bad Ideas* (2000), set the template. It argued that elite intellectuals since the 1960s have reshaped institutions through ideas that romanticize dysfunction and erode norms of responsibility. The book is less a technical policy analysis than a moral diagnosis of elite culture. Social disorder, in her account, is not an accident but the downstream effect of intellectual trends that reject discipline, hierarchy, and accountability.

V

A Theorist of Elite Self-Sabotage

"Elite institutions have inverted their criteria for prestige. They no longer reward competence; they reward grievance performance."

Mac Donald matters as more than a polemicist. She functions as a theorist of elite self-sabotage. A recurring theme across her work is that elite institutions have inverted their own criteria for legitimacy. Where they once rewarded excellence and competence, they now reward grievance and representation. This is not only a moral claim but a sociological one. She describes a shift in how prestige is allocated and justified: the language of equity and inclusion as a new currency of status, one that displaces older meritocratic standards while claiming to fulfill them.

Her critique of the humanities lands with particular force because it carries an elegiac quality. She is not attacking the academy from the outside. She once aspired to it. She knows what the older humanistic ideal looked like and can contrast it with precision against the newer regime of identity, safety, and lived experience. The criticism has force partly because it is a lament. Something she valued was destroyed by the people entrusted to preserve it, and she watched it happen.

Her primary audience is the educated, institutionally invested reader who suspects that elite discourse has become detached from reality but still wants arguments dressed in cultivated prose and empirical authority. She offers moral reassurance to people who want to think of themselves as defending civilization without sounding crude. She provides the same service a serious book review once provided: a demonstration that rigor and clarity remain possible, that someone is still applying them, and that the standards are worth defending.

VI

The Secular Conservative

Mac Donald occupies a rare position as a secular conservative in a movement often built on religious scaffolding. She finds the idea of a benevolent God irreconcilable with what she sees as constant evidence of divine indifference to human outcomes. Her only bridge to the religious impulse is the desire to give thanks for a privileged life, a desire she acknowledges without believing she can discharge it toward any particular being. Otherwise she is satisfied with what she calls the evolutionary complexity of the natural world and views the psychological yearning for religion as a part of the brain that bypasses empirical reasoning.

Her heterodox votes — she supported Obama in 2008 as a protest against the selection of Sarah Palin — underscore her commitment to intellectual merit over tribal loyalty. She argues that conservative principles stand on their own intellectual merits without religious scaffolding, and she argues this by demonstration, building her case from data and observation rather than from revealed authority. The consistency of that approach across three decades is part of what makes her a recognizable type rather than merely a partisan voice.

VII

The Internal Tension

There is a tension in her work worth naming. She presents herself as a defender of empirical reality against ideological distortion. But the selection of which data sets, pathologies, and institutional failures deserve close attention is guided by a broader moral vision. Her focus on crime, disorder, and elite failure reflects a commitment to a particular model of social order rooted in discipline and hierarchy. This does not negate her empirical claims, but it situates them within a larger worldview. She is not a neutral technician correcting errors. She is an advocate for a specific model of civilization, one she absorbed at Yale even as she was rejecting what Yale was doing with it.

She is, finally, a failed academic in the narrow sense and a transformed one in the broader sense. She carries forward the habits of literary judgment into new domains, using them to challenge what she takes to be the moral and intellectual failures of contemporary institutions. Her significance lies in that synthesis: a defector from the high humanities who redirected the sensibility of canon defense, close reading, and anti-relativism into the gritty terrain of urban policy, policing, and cultural criticism. She stands as a defender of standards in a cultural environment increasingly suspicious of the very idea.

Heather Mac Donald · Born Los Angeles 1956 · Manhattan Institute · City Journal · lukeford.net

David Bromwich Biography

David Bromwich — Intellectual Biography
Intellectual Portrait  ·  American Letters  ·  Yale University

DAVID
BROMWICH

Critic, Moralist, and the Last Man of Letters

Born New Haven, 1951 Sterling Professor of English, Yale Author of Nine Books

David Bromwich belongs to a lineage that has nearly run out. He is an essayist-critic in the tradition of William Hazlitt and Ralph Waldo Emerson, for whom criticism is a moral activity rather than a technical procedure. His authority does not rest on method or theory but on cultivated perception. He writes as someone trained to see clearly, and to render that clarity in language that invites trust without demanding assent.

This places him at a distance from the dominant late-twentieth and early-twenty-first century academic paradigms, which increasingly ground authority in specialization, system, or alignment with theoretical frameworks. He is, in the most precise sense, a late representative of a form that no longer has a clear future.

"The drift is an emphasis overwhelmingly centered on American culture and society today, conducted in a language derived from our usual ways of talking about ourselves." — Bromwich, on the state of literary studies

He was born in New Haven in 1951, raised in Los Angeles, and returned to Yale for his B.A. in 1973 and his Ph.D. in 1977. After rising to Mellon Professor at Princeton, he came back to Yale in 1988 and has remained. He is now Sterling Professor of English, the university's highest academic rank.

Yale is not incidental to his formation. It is one of the last American institutions where the older humanistic ideal of criticism as a moral art retains institutional prestige. Bromwich's career both depends on and interrogates that environment. He is at once a beneficiary of elite academic capital and a critic of the forces that sustain it.

The Romantic Inheritance:
Hazlitt, Burke, and Wordsworth

His early work established him as a leading interpreter of Romanticism. Hazlitt: The Mind of a Critic (1983) presented William Hazlitt not merely as a literary reviewer but as a moral psychologist whose disinterested yet passionate style offered a model of resistant, independent judgment. Bromwich portrayed Hazlitt as the critic who insisted on seeing clearly even when the crowd demanded flattery. The book remains the definitive modern study of Hazlitt and announced the method Bromwich would apply across his entire career.

Disowned by Memory: Wordsworth's Poetry of the 1790s (1998) traced the psychological drama of Wordsworth's early radicalism and later retreat, showing how political transformation registers as tension within poetic voice. For Bromwich, Wordsworth's shift from revolutionary to conservative was not hypocrisy but the record of a mind under pressure—and therefore available to the same kind of moral scrutiny Hazlitt applied to the great men of his own age.

Skeptical Music: Essays on Modern Poetry (2001) extended this inquiry across twentieth-century poets, winning the PEN/Diamonstein-Spielvogel Award for the Art of the Essay. The title names the stance. Wallace Stevens and Elizabeth Bishop use doubt as a tool. They do not claim to own the truth. They record the effort to see the world as it is. Bromwich finds in their work a resistance to the ego that mirrors his political stance. He suspects any power that claims to be absolute.

Across these studies, Bromwich treats literature not as an autonomous aesthetic object but as a record of moral struggle under historical pressure. The poem is interesting because a person wrote it under conditions that constrained and shaped what they could say. The critic's job is to recover those conditions and to take the poem seriously as the product of a particular intelligence operating under particular pressures.

Against Group Thinking:
Liberal Education and the Therapeutic State

His 1992 book Politics by Other Means: Higher Education and Group Thinking anticipated much of what has intensified within universities in the decades since. He argued that academic institutions were becoming susceptible to forms of consensus enforced not by argument but by social and professional pressure. What he called group thinking operates through informal sanctions, reputational incentives, and the narrowing of acceptable speech.

He contrasted two modes. Criticism—the tradition he practices, drawing on Hazlitt, Burke, Wordsworth, and William Empson—attends to texts as acts of moral and rhetorical imagination, enlarging sympathy and independent judgment. Theory, by contrast, treats novels and poems as instruments of social discipline, sites of power, or products of bourgeois ideology. He rejected what he called the current orthodoxy in literary theory that reduces fiction to prisons that maim and kill or products of totalizing discourse.

His 1993 London Review of Books essay on Paul de Man offered a measured but ultimately skeptical reckoning with deconstruction. He credited de Man with rhetorical insight and a bracing skepticism that stripped away naïve idealisms. Yet he faulted it for denying personal agency, mystifying key terms, and reducing criticism to obedience to linguistic patterns while evading moral choice and lived experience.

Bromwich views campus speech codes as the output of an administrative state that treats the university as a therapeutic site and assumes the student possesses an infinite fragility. Administrators use this assumption to justify paternalistic control. He sees education as a process of individual growth through conflict, and any protection that stops that friction also stops the work of education itself.

He signed the 2020 Harper's Letter on justice and open debate, warning against the constriction of free inquiry. He defends the Woodward Report at Yale, which holds that the primary function of a university is to discover knowledge and that the right to free expression must supersede demands for civility and mutual respect. He observes that current leaders often prefer forced harmony to the difficult exchange of words.

The therapeutic logic turns the classroom into a ward. It focuses on the management of feelings. Bromwich believes that a person must face ideas that challenge their identity to learn. He sees the regulation of speech as a loss of nerve. It shows that the university now values the comfort of the group over the truth of the individual, and that this preference has consequences that extend far beyond the campus.

A Life in Criticism

1951
Born, New Haven

Father attends Yale Law School on the GI Bill after serving in Army Intelligence in China. Family moves to Los Angeles. Mother works as an educational psychologist. As a high-school student he takes courses at UCLA.

1973
B.A., Yale University

Returns to New Haven for college. Begins graduate work immediately after. The institution that shaped him will remain his intellectual home for the rest of his career.

1977
Ph.D., Yale University

Joins Princeton faculty as instructor. Rises to Mellon Professor of English. The Princeton years sharpen his critical range but do not produce his deepest allegiances.

1983
Hazlitt: The Mind of a Critic

First major book establishes him as a leading interpreter of Romanticism and signals his method: moral psychology applied to literary form. The book remains the definitive modern study of Hazlitt.

1988
Returns to Yale

Named Housum Professor of English in 1995. Named Sterling Professor in 2006—the university's highest academic rank. Yale becomes the permanent home.

1992
Politics by Other Means

His most prophetic book. Argues that literature departments had replaced genuine criticism with ideological templates. The book anticipates the campus speech debates of the following three decades.

2014
The Intellectual Life of Edmund Burke

His most sustained scholarly achievement. Reconstructs Burke as a moral psychologist of power, not a conservative icon. Demonstrates his method at full scale.

2019
American Breakdown

His most direct political intervention. Diagnoses the Trump years as an expression of deeper failures: the collapse of diplomatic language, the rise of spectacle over persuasion, and the hollowing of democratic discourse.

2020
Signs the Harper's Letter

One of 153 signatories warning against the constriction of free inquiry. The letter draws sharp criticism from those who see it as a defense of privilege. Bromwich regards the criticism as itself illustrating the problem.

2025
Elected to American Academy of Arts and Sciences

Continues teaching the foundational Major English Poets sequence at Yale. Remains the department's most visible independent voice.

The Empire
and Its Rhetoric

Bromwich views the Biden administration as a period in which imperial hubris reached a state of stasis. He argues that Biden oversaw the final transition of the American presidency into a figurehead for NATO. He points out that Biden did not speak to Vladimir Putin for three years after the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. He sees this silence not as strategy but as moral failure: a refusal to engage with the world as it is, preferring instead the comfort of a vicarious war.

This vicarious war serves a psychological function for the American public. It allows citizens to feel moral purpose without the cost of direct sacrifice. He notes that war appeals to a craving for action in an age of modern drift. By supporting a proxy, the administration provides a spectacle of virtue. He argues that this insulates leaders from the reality of the violence they fund. It turns foreign policy into a branch of domestic theater.

His stance toward the American news media is equally severe. He describes the current liberal media as a primary force for the soullessness of contemporary culture. He argues that journalists now demonstrate virtue by summoning long-settled moral struggles and treating these past battles as if they were living injustices. This allows the media to claim a moral high ground while ignoring the crimes of the present state. He views this as a form of moral narcissism.

The connection between his critique of diplomacy and his critique of liberal education runs through what he calls the psychosis of collectivity. The same forces turning the classroom into a safe space turn foreign policy into moral theater. Both represent a retreat from the mental fight required to engage with a reality that does not conform to our desires. A generation of leaders and citizens who cannot imagine how the world looks to their opponents is a generation produced, in part, by an education system that abandoned moral imagination.

For Bromwich, diplomacy is the international version of the liberal arts seminar. Both require sustained attention to the other—whether a text or a rival state—without immediately imposing your categories on them. Both require resistance to abstraction. And both fail when the participants refuse the discomfort of genuine encounter and retreat instead into the performance of virtue.

The Free Radical:
Independence and Its Costs

Within the contemporary intellectual landscape, Bromwich occupies an unusual position. He is too critical of American power to be comfortably aligned with establishment liberalism. He is too committed to the disciplines of liberal education and moral seriousness to align with populist or anti-elite currents. He resists both theoretical fashion within the academy and ideological consolidation in public discourse. The result is a form of independence that commands respect but does not easily translate into institutional influence or organized following.

His style is central to this stance. Bromwich writes with restraint, clarity, and a deliberate avoidance of rhetorical excess. In an environment where intensity often substitutes for precision, his prose models a different standard. The tone itself carries an argument. It enacts the independence from crowd emotion and ideological urgency that his criticism defends. The refusal to exaggerate is a refusal to participate in the moral inflation that characterizes much of contemporary discourse.

He has confirmed in direct exchange that the drift in literary studies—the emphasis overwhelmingly centered on the contemporary, conducted in a language derived from our usual ways of talking about ourselves—has continued without letting up, even if it has not accelerated. That phrase names not just a narrowing of the syllabus toward the contemporary but a collapse of critical distance. The vocabulary supposed to illuminate literature from outside the culture's self-understanding has become the vocabulary the culture uses to describe itself.

He is careful to separate two phenomena: the drift toward the overwhelmingly contemporary and the censorship problem. They are, he insists, separate phenomena with different sources and different remedies. The drift operates through the normal processes of hiring, topic selection, and coalition reproduction across generations. It does not require explicit suppression because dissent has largely failed to appear. Censorship is a response to the existence of positions that need suppressing. The first problem would persist without the second.

This distinction matters because it means the drift cannot be addressed by protecting academic freedom alone. You can have full formal freedom to say heterodox things inside a system whose intake filters, topic selection pressures, and moral vocabulary have already ensured that almost no one is positioned to say them. The Woodward Report protects the right to say heterodox things. It does not protect against the prior conditions that ensure almost no one inside the institution is positioned to say them.

His legacy, then, is double. He is both a continuation of a long tradition of moral criticism and a late example of it under conditions that make its continuation uncertain. The form of authority he embodies—grounded in sensibility, judgment, and style—is difficult to institutionalize in a system that rewards quantifiable output, theoretical innovation, or alignment with prevailing frameworks. His presence at Yale demonstrates that this older model has not disappeared. His relative isolation within contemporary debates suggests that its conditions of reproduction are weakening.

"He is not just an alternative within a dominant system. He is a representative of a system that is slowly losing its organizing power—evidence of what that tradition looked like at its late stage."

Intellectual Portrait  ·  David Bromwich (b. 1951)  ·  Sterling Professor of English, Yale University